The Union of African People's Republics

Entity Information

Territories: South Africa, Lesotho, Eswatini, Namibia, Botswana, Zimbabwe
Capital: Maseru
Languages: Afrikaans, Chibarwe, English, Kalanga, Khoekhoegowab, Koisan, Nambya, Ndau, Northern Ndebele, Oshiwambo, Otjiherero, RuKwangali, Sepedi, Sesotho, Shangani, Shona, siLozi, Southern Ndebele, Swazi, Tonga, Tswana, Venda, Xhosa, Xitsonga
Population: 124536338

Government Information

Government Form: Single party state

President: Blade Magashule
Secretary-General: David Duarte
Other Government Officials:


The Union of African People's Republics is a nation located in Southern Africa. It is home to over 120 million people, with dozens of ethnic and linguistic groups stretching over 2,673,365 square kilometers from the Cape of Good Hope to the northern reaches of Namibia.


As the dust of the Second World War settled over Europe and Asia, Africa remained as it had been for over a century. A patchwork of colonial regimes and native puppet states still held the continent in their grip, yet, with the imperial heartlands now ravaged, change was beginning to sweep these dusty remnants away. Some would take better to this than others, and in Pretoria, the ruling Afrikaner minority would find itself increasingly besieged. The fall of other European colonies gave rise to new national movements in Africa, ones that inherently threatened the Apartheid structure which had been established in 1948. <br /> <br /> By 1977, matters in southern Africa had come to a head. South Africa itself continued to grapple with its oppressed black majority population and growing unrest. Meanwhile, across the border in Rhodesia, things had gone from bad to worse. The government in Salisbury was beset on all sides, as the Bush War grew ever more deadly and insurgents and weaponry poured in from neighboring regions. The white minority was fleeing south in increasing numbers as the violence worsened, and for all intents and purposes, it looked as though Rhodesia's days were numbered. The fall of what was perhaps the only friendly government in the region, however, was unacceptable to the South African government. A fateful decision would be made, to come to the rescue of the white Rhodesian population, and to suppress the rebellion. On paper, Rhodesia would be absorbed into South Africa for its own protection in 1977. In practice, however, South Africa had inherited a brutal and radicalized insurgency that had been on the cusp of victory in the region. The SADF, well trained and battle-hardened, was quick to push back the likes of ZANU and ZAPU. But if Rhodesia was to be a part of South Africa, then Rhodesian problems would soon become mixed with South African problems, and there would be constant flare-ups of violence across the country. Rhodesia itself would become a black hole worse than even that of Namibia, filled with a hostile population that required constant attention from the SADF to keep in line.<br /> <br /> If the South African leadership in 1979 felt that it was being backed up against a wall, one can only imagine what it must have been like for the newly independent African states that neighbored it. Botswana now found itself surrounded by South Africa, and grew increasingly nervous about its own recently gained independence. Lesotho, ruled by Prime Minister Leabua Jonathan, became increasingly friendly towards movements seeking to end the Apartheid government. Located within South Africa itself, the country became an important base for a spectacular variety of insurgents and militias.<br /> <br /> Lesotho would become akin to a cancer inside South Africa, so much so that it practically demanded a response. In 1984, the South African government sponsored a coup attempt by Lesotho's army commander, Justin Lekhanya. The attempt failed, as the insurgents Jonathan had sheltered now supported him, and the country descended into chaos. With the situation spiraling increasingly out of control, the SADF was called in once again, this time to seize control of Lesotho. When an ill-timed artillery strike resulted in the destruction of the royal palace and the death of Lesotho's monarchy, opinions swung ever more against the SADF. Lekhanya's death at the hands of the Lesotho Liberation Army left South Africa without a viable puppet, and it looked as though the occupation would go on indefinitely, or until Lesotho too was absorbed into the Apartheid regime. The Lesotho occupation would prove to be a bridge too far for many, and opposition to Apartheid rapidly intensified, as did the fighting.<br /> <br /> In Botswana, concerns over South African interventions were mounting. The SADF was struggling to put out fires across the region, frequently raiding across borders into other African nations. With Lesotho now occupied, Botswana was now unwillingly becoming the new hub for insurgent activities, and South African pressure on the country was increasing even as anti-Apartheid sentiments flared. After the bloody 1985 raid by the SADF on ANC offices in Gaborone, the Botswanan government decided to rid its territory of the guerillas on its own initiative. This turned out quite poorly, and the government, always seen as being too friendly to Apartheid, was toppled in a coup by a coalition of Marxist rebels. A South African invasion of the country soon ensued, and a new front opened in the war.<br /> <br /> By 1990, southern Africa was in flames. A bedazzling array of insurgents fought and died, ranging from the hardened veterans of the Rhodesian Bush War to the remnants of national militaries from Botswana and Lesotho. These groups clashed against each other almost as often as they did with the crumbling SADF, but slowly, a unity of sorts was growing out from necessity. Leftist ideologies promising equality and wealth redistribution were heavily prevalent among these groups, as was a sense of Pan-African Nationalism. Thus, the African People's Congress was founded, first as an umbrella organization for dozens of disparate groups, but slowly, it would coalesce into a true force.<br /> <br /> By the year 1999, isolation and constant warfare had taken their toll on Pretoria, as the SADF found itself critically short of the supplies needed to maintain its modern and highly mobile forces, while waves of urban unrest threatened to unseat the government from its own cities. Surrender to the enemy was no option, and victory, whatever the government's promises, seemed impossible to attain. Nor, for that matter, was the APC able to break the stalemate, despite having gained effective control over swathes of Botswana, Namibia, and former Rhodesia. In a desperate attempt to exploit divisions within the APC, the government in Pretoria would offer a compromise, one which, ironically, was quite similar to the Internal Settlement proposed in Rhodesia, and would see the Afrikaner minority maintain a much reduced but still disproportionately large amount of power. It was thought that this effort would peel off the more moderate factions of the APC, and in some cases it succeeded. This did, however, also mean that the APC was increasingly dominated by its more hardline members, who now had far more in common with one another, and effectively completed the transformation of the APP into a single, coherent entity.<br /> <br /> The lack of support and continued conflict would ensure that the Internal Settlement was effectively stillborn, and would force a second round of negotiations. After a rare but shocking conventional victory by the APC that saw a collapse of SADF positions in Namibia and the mutiny of African security forces in the Bantustans, the Apartheid government began coming apart at the seams. Their war increasingly became about personal survival and escape, rather than maintaining control over the country. In 2000, the APC marched into Pretoria, and the Union of African People's Republics was declared.<br /> <br /> As one might have expected of a vast country that was effectively born out of bloodshed, victory did not mean an end to the turmoil. The UAPR still consisted of countless tribes, ethnic groups, and factions who had spent much of the war feuding with one another, only to briefly set aside their disputes to fight a common enemy that no longer existed. Dozens of smaller conflicts would rage on or break out across the new nation, which was still suffering from a cratered economy and ravaged infrastructure. Acts of vengeance and retribution were common, despite an agreement of safe passage for former Apartheid officials and protection for the Afrikaner minority, which would decrease significantly. Such reprisals would continue even abroad - in Swaziland, the government which had closely cooperated with South Africa was toppled in a coup, and soon joined the new union. An election marred by intransigence and armed clashes would be held, with the APC claiming victory by wide margins and using its mandate to effectively eliminate those few rivals who remained. <br /> <br /> After a century of reconstruction, the UAPR has, despite all odds, remained and rebuilt. The APC continues to rule, but power has increasingly devolved to a dizzying array of local party subdivisions, turning the country into an increasingly federal structure, albeit one still largely controlled by a single party. Economic development and industrialization driven by the nation's mineral wealth and cheap labor have successfully pushed it forward, creating an advanced heartland in the south, even as much of the country remains sparsely populated and underdeveloped. A nightmarish patchwork of nationalities has been successfully papered over by the strength of the loti and held together by common ideology and the People's Defense Force, while in the mountain capital of Maseru, a new black South African elite now dominates the country.